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Eating together to grieve together: the funeral meal of Wana people of Morowali


Food is one of the most important elements of our life, both as a means for survival and as a mode of cultural signification. Eating together is often the foundation of social relationships, for example,  a copious meal is one of the core moments of a wedding, a ritual that aims to bring together two families,  and two potentially different social worlds. A meal is further served after a funeral as a means to share memories of the deceased, collectively mourning their loss. Just as people feel the need to inaugurate a new union (through marriage), or reaffirm an existing bond, after a tragic event like the death of a close friend or relative sharing a meal is an important act in strengthening relationships. As Lonnie Yoder explains, the purpose of the funeral is:1

To reunite all the surviving members of the (community) group with each other, and sometimes also with the deceased, in the same way that a chain which has been broken by the disappearance of one of its links must be rejoined.

The following article is a description of the funeral meal of the Wana people of Morowali, Indonesia. The ritual of the meal entails the donation of food, the preparation of a food for hundreds of individuals and, the collective act of eating together. The participatory endeavor keeps the Wana united and reinforces their core cultural values, namely the kasintuwu (mutual support).

Wana people and anthropological study

Wana people are small endangered2 cultural group living inside the Morowali Natural Reserve3, in the mid-East of Sulawesi, Indonesia. The Sulawesi’s 225000 ha stretch from the Kolonodale Gulf through the hinterland to Bongka Tojo bay, covering three administrative districts of the region.

The first documented reports of the presence of Wana in the area of the reserve came via the tributes they paid to the Ternate (1257) and Bungku sultanates.4 Although reports of these initial instances of contact were limited to the costal settlements, the effects of the meetings are still evident in Wana culture and religion.5

Despite being known amongst academics, thanks the work of American anthropologist Jane Monnig Atkinson, non agricultural-ecological related research on the Wana people is very limited.

The first publication on Wana culture is De to Wana op Oost-Celebes (1930) written by the Dutch missionary Albert C. Kruyt, who spent two months amongst the Wana. After Kruyt there was no further anthropological research on Wana people and culture until the 1970s; when Monnig Atkinson spent; two years in the northern part of the Morowali forest. Between the 1974 and 1976 Monnig Atkinson studied how the mabolong, a shamanic healing ritual, establishes a political order within the community. She produced an analysis of the ritual lyrics in her book – The art and politics of Wana shamanship (1989). In addition Monnig Atkinson wrote a number of articles of other Wana related themes, in particular the relationship between the Wana and the other religious groups that reside inside the Morowali area.6

In 2000 research on the Wana continued with the work of Michael Alvard and his study into the relationship between the Wana and their ecological environment.7 More recently, the German anthropologist Anna Grumblies (at the time PhD student), was on the field investigating the relationship between Wana and the external world. Her research has since been published:'Being Wana, Becoming an “Indigenous People”. Experimenting with Indigeneity in Central Sulawesi'.8Her essay discusses the concept of adat (tradition) and the Wana’s strategies to preserve their independence. 

Outside of an academic field the French film-makers; Gerald Journet and Martine Nougarol have made a series of films that cover many aspects of Wana culture and provide a rich insight into life inside the Morowali reserve.9 

The work of Monnig Atkinson inspired me to undertake fieldwork among the Wana. During my MA studies I was a gamelan, Indonesian traditional ensemble, player for the Indonesian Embassy to the Holy See and thanks to this experience I had the opportunity to live and study in Indonesia for a year. During this period I was reading about Indonesian shamanism, through this research I came across Atkinson’s The art and politics of Wana shamanship. Reading her work, I was fascinated by the Wana’s culture and also surprised at the almost complete lack of information about their ritual music. A desire to find out more resulted in my decision to live among the Wana. In so doing I discovered a culture richer than I expected. I witnessed three rituals (molawo, kayori and patudu) and learnt of their endangered traditional music which had never been studied before. I have spent a total of five years studying the Wana, before undertaking my MA dissertation and my current PhD research. Of this five years, ten months were spent undertaking fieldwork in the Morowali reserve. My first meeting with the Wana was in 2011 when I was studying their ritual music.  Once on the field I discovered an entire unexplored world. I was able to document for the first ever time the healing rituals molawo and patudu and the funeral ritual kayori. I returned to Morowali in 2016 to undertake further research for my PhD and witnessed the kayori in detail.

The following article outlines a description of the kayori and the different stages of the funeral ritual in an effort to share the cultural practices of the Wana and provide original and new data on a ritual that has not yet been studied in detail.

The Kayori

Between the physical death of a member of the community and the actual cultural death of him/her the Wana let 16 days pass (for men) and 18 days (for women). During this time they undertake a series of small daily rituals that help them structure their mourning and give a clear rhythm to the grieving process.  This cadenced rituality aids the Wana to deal with their loss in a gradual manner. A timetable of the kayori is as follows:

Day 1: A person dies and the corpse is buried.

Day 3: Family and friends start to build a dumbaru (ritual hut) that is the site for the final stage of the ritual.

Day 9 (for a man) - 10 (for a woman): The community gather to mark the midst of the mourning period.

Day 14 (m), day 16 (w): Wuri moapu, the first night of ritual centered around cooking for the gathered community begins.

Day 15 (m), day 17 (w): Wuri mankoni, the second night of ritual where those gathered eat the prepared food.

Day 16 (m), day 18 (w): Mantabu uba njotanoa, the last day of kayo.

Day 17 (m), day 19 (w): The last lunch.

When death occurs in a village many preparations are put in motion. The deceased is washed, dressed in their best cloths and placed inside a wooden rectangular coffin with their feet to the east, where there is the suruga (heaven), and their head to the west, the place of the spirits (tana walia). They lie, ready to wake up and walk into heaven. The dead is buried in his/her banua mate (death’s house), a tomb dug just outside the village, covered with a roof of palm leaves.

In the span of time between an individual’s death and the wuri moapu a hut is constructed for the ritual to take place within, usually outside of the village boundaries. The construction of the hut follows a precise time frame: it starts three days after the burial of the body and ends the day before the wuri moapu. This building task requires a large number of people, volunteers and family members, even if, as I have seen, the number of final participants rarely exceeds ten. The hut consists of trunks and branches bound together. The floor is made of bark and the roof of palm leaves, recalling the simple structure of the banua mate (tomb). Within the hut are many supporting poles which hold the roof intact. Around one of these poles a ritual chant will be sung.

Death for the Wana is, as Maurice Bloch and Jonathan Parry noticed in Madagascar and India respectively, an opportunity to reaffirm the values of a society.10 Not only is death a deep wound inflicted onto the community, which must swiftly respond by reiterating the victory of life, but it is also an opportunity to emphasize cultural values and social cohesion. Funerals are social acts, reactions and emotions are not "natural" or "spontaneous"; but rather, they are socially constructed. It is no coincidence that the kayori, like the shamanic mabolong, is one of the occasions to express kasintuwu (mutual support).

Throughout the kayori friends and family help in the construction of the ritual hut and in the preparation of food. Through their physical presence they demonstrate and reinforce the principal of kasintuwu. They attend the wuri moapu and wuri mankoni not only for themselves, enjoying the feast and saying goodbye to their friend or family member, but also for the community that they perceive as a single being wounded by grief. As such, the community requires a show of cohesion in order to continue to live. Indeed, as Radcliffe-Brown notes, 'the stability and continuity of the social structure depends on the strong solidarity of the local group.' 11  Central to the Wana’s identity is a strong structure of community; a Wana alone without a community is perceived to be a person without the cultural guidance to control his or her emotions and feelings.

The mourning period continues with the family visiting the grave on a daily basis and those constructing the ritual hut working and eating together whilst waiting for the wuri moapu to commence.

Day 14/16 Wuri moapu: the cooking night

Kayori is one of the two most expansive events in the life of Wana people. The other is a wedding ceremony. The main difference between the two ceremonies, despite the rituals they mark, is that while the expenses of a wedding are on two families, the entire community will help in financing and organising the kayori. On the first day of wuri moapu the participants, coming from all the villages of the Morowali forest, bring rice, pongas or chaptikus and chickens.12 They go to the closest relative of the dead person, usually a widow or widower, and hand over their gifts to her/him while saying 'aku punya' which means: 'I have'. As Bloch noticed in his observations of the Merina,13 

[D]eath is the time when the solidarity of the local community, fokon’olona, should be most manifest.

The gift of food creates a bond, or rather, reinforces an existing bond; close friends or relatives will bring lager portions of rice or more than one chicken. It is interesting to note that the gift of food is a gift to all those attending the wuri mankoni, including the giver. When Wana people bring something to the wuri moapu they are making sure that they will have enough food and alcohol for the ritual. In supporting the mourning family with their offers the Wana are making sure that they will also enjoy the party and in so doing they secure the success of the ritual.

The success of the kayori is connected to a playful atmosphere and to make it such the Wana require a copious amount of alcohol. Wine (rice or palm), is particularly required for the singers. During the Wuri Mankoni some of the Wana within the ritual hut will pour wine to those singing throughout the night. During my stay in the reserve Wana often asked me for money to buy alcohol. Apa N’Te, village leader of Taronggo, told me: 14

Alcohol makes people sing better,  you will register better.

What at first can seems like a silly plea to convince me to buy alcohol for everyone rather reveals the importance of alcohol to these communal rituals.

Excluding the closest relatives of the deceased, I never perceived sadness within the wuri moapu and wuri mankoni. It seemed rather that enthusiasm pervaded everything; drunk people hugging and chatting, boys and girls flirting, playing and listening to music and friends excitedly meeting again after a long time.

On the eve of the wuri moapu whole families with children in tow, continue to arrive at the ritual hut until late evening, completely filling the interior. However, one side of the hut is left free in order to create space for the mokayori, a ritual dance.

As the number of arriving guests increases so does the number of vendours selling sweets, cigarettes and alcohol. The presence of the vendours marks an important aspect of the wuri moapu; Parents buy their children sweets, it is a rare occasion for the children to finally eat some sweet food and enjoy the party. The children’s happiness and playfulness, expressed through this sweet voracity is an expression of life that is believed to help the community heal itself from the emotional and spiritual wound caused by death.

After the initial arrivals the preparation of the ritual feast continues. The preparations are divided by gender: women work inside the hut, a space that represents the cultural and safe world, whilst the men stay outside, in the space ruled by spirits. During the day women clean, cut and fold a great number of banana leaves gathered by the men, in order to make bowls for all those attending the wuri mankoni. Hundreds of leaf bowls are made in a few hours by a handful of women. However, bowls do not need to be made for everyone as the Wana also use metallic dishes in their everyday life. Modern dishes are slowly replacing the traditional banana bowls. As the women fold the banana leaves the men cut bamboo, previously collected and washed, and put it out to dry. The bamboo tubes are used as a form of pot in which rice is portioned and cooked.


Fig. 1. Chicken with vegetables and coconut is served, image courtesy of Giorgio Scalici, 2016.

Working together the men and women sift the rice. To feed hundreds of people a great quantity of rice must be sifted, requiring many hands. This collective labour is a means of physically expressing support to the family of the deceased.

As night arrives, one of the Wana elders goes to the centre of the ritual hut where the sifted rice is stored in big bags covered by a large cloth. He puts his head under the cloth and says a prayer to the spirits of the rice. In this prayer the elder asks the spirits to not let the rice end and to protect the stomachs of the bystanders, avoiding any illness related to the food. After the prayer the elder will take portions of the rice from the bag with a plastic bowl pouring it onto the tray originally used for sifting. With this initial portion of rice, a female relative of the dead will prepare eighteen iranueki (individual portions of rice wrapped in a banana leaf) carefully placing them inside two bamboo tubes. The first bamboo tubes or rice contain food for the deceased. Other women will then help prepare the iranueki for the gathered community placing leaf wrapped portions of rice inside the remaining bamboo tubes.

I must point out that the participation of families at funerals is less assiduous than it was in the past. A number of Wana now work on palm oil plantations, where pay is by the piece. There is no holiday or sick-pay and as such, spending a day with your community to mourn the dead means gaining less money necessary for your own family’s subsistence. I often saw people leave early or only stay one night, due to the work that awaited them the next day.

Moreover, whilst in the past the ritual was officiated outside of a village, it now often happens inside a village boundary. This change brings a marked shift to the participatory and communal aspect of the ritual process. Rather than spending two days and nights eating, sleeping and celebrating with the wider Wana community in the confines of the ritual hut, some Wana only attend part of the wuri moapu and wuri mankoni, before returning home to sleep. A more fleeting engagement with the wuri moapu and wuri mankoni dilutes the principle of kasintuwu and can be seen to undermine the core function of the ritual which is to share space and time with others.

Returning to the wuri moapu, after the food is served and eaten and the party continues to talk and drink a group of men will stand up and go to one of the poles inside the hut. Holding each other by the wrists, the men move around the pole swaying left and right. They then let go to the right with a heavy and noisy step. At first, both movement and singing are very shy, as if they do not want to disturb the others in the hut. Yet as more men join the group the singing becomes louder and the movements much more determined. This is the start of the dendelo, the introductory and closing song. The singing continues until dawn, when sunrise announces the end of the night.

Day 15/17: Wuri mankoni, the eating night

The second day of communal activity begins with the women grating dry coconut to use to flavour the meat and the vegetables that will be served in the wuri mankoni. The women also cook vegetables whilst the men cook chickens on a fire outside the hut. The chickens will be then cut into small pieces and boiled with the coconut and the vegetables to make a stew like dish. In the same fire where the chickens are cooking the bamboo tubes filled with iranueki are prepared. This food, especially the iranueki, is exclusively cooked for wuri mankoni. The flavour the rice gains after been cooking inside the bamboo is considered a delicacy. Chicken is not a common meal among the Wana, although they breed chickens in their villages, the meat it is only eaten during funerals. The saving of chicken for the funeral happens for two reasons, firstly the Wana do not feel the need to use something if it is not strictly necessary as such, they save the few chickens in their possession for special occasions. Secondly, chickens have a strong connection with Wana mythology: a hen is the pet of their god Pue.  Many stories within Wana mythology centre upon seven mythological chickens that used to eat people. A chicken is also used for a dangerous healing ritual called molawo. In this ritual the illness is passed from the patient to the bird, healing the individual through the transference of their aliment. Until a few years ago the chicken was the only animal to live inside Wana villages, attesting to its importance and regard within their culture.

For the wuri mankoni the chicken is cooked with the grated coconut. Once ready it is delivered to every person attending the ritual on a banana leaf with one or two iranueki. Prestigious figures within the community receive their food in a bamboo tray. As was explained to me, trays are prepared for the four most respected figures in the community; usually powerful shamans, skilled village leaders or wise elders. Feeding these respected figures in a different manner demarks and reaffirms existing hierarchies within the community.

It is not only the Wana who partake in the meal but food is also prepared for the spirits. Two small trays containing chicken and rice, pongas (local rice wine), betel nut and siri (a plant) are prepared for the jungle spirits, (Fig.1). These trays are hung on a pole and an invocation is recited. The poles holding the spirit’s food are positioned at the opposite ends of the funeral camp. It is intended that this offering of food will satisfy the spirits and avoid any difficulties encountered by disgruntled spirits.

Before the beginning of the banquet two of the elders go near the uba, a bag that contains objects for the deceased’s soul and serves as an effigy of the dead. Food is served to the uba on a daily basis as if it were a real person. The two elders pass each other an iranueki with their right hand and take another iranueki with their left. This circular movement is crucial in Wana culture and represent the continuous cycle of life. The ritual exchange between the two elders happens twice before the iranueki are placed on the roof of the ritual hut. The exchange symbolises food being offered to the people that were not able to attend to the wuri mankoni. The gifting, preparing and serving of food unites both the community physically present within the ritual hut and serves as a means to unite those further away as well as mark a relationship between human and spiritual realm.

Food for the wuri mankoni prepared in such great quantities that ample remains until after the two-day ritual. Despite the donations of food given by the wider Wana group, it is not difficult to imagine the economic effort the ritual entails for the poor community. The Wana economy is based on the collection and sale of damar resin, cocoa, palm oil, wood and rattan. Gathering these materials entails a long hard labour.

Following the ritual banquet the night of the wuri mankoni culminates in an emotional outpouring of grief. The dendelo (introductory song) and accompanying movements continue until just before dawn when the final dendelo enshrines the separation of the deceased from their body, marking their movement into heaven. As the final dendelo ends the mother and the wife of the deceased, accompanied by other female relatives begin to scream, cry, pull their hair and beat down upon the earth, destroying the ritual hut with an impressive wildness. Before this explosion of emotion the hut was characterised by an apparent calm. The dramatic outpouring of grief is accepted by those within the hut with both fear and scorn. Whilst on the one hand, some individual were trying to prevent the women from causing themselves harm, others attending lost no opportunity to make fun of their behaviour. The use of humour to control the behaviour of the community member is pivotal in Wana culture. Wana abhor negative emotions, like anger, and violence and humour helps them express social aggression or disapproval in a safe way, giving them a harmless tool to control other members and their emotion. Wana, like other Indonesian and Malaysian cultures, disvalue negative emotions and believe that anger can cause people to become ill.15 The illness induced by anger is not deemed treatable by western medicine but rather, requires the assistance of a shaman.  To control and manage their anger and other negative emotions the Wana use humour. Wana people tend to laugh at emotional or physical pain. When something bad happens they will laugh or smile, expressing that it would be useless to get upset if you can control a situation. Social relationships are also controlled by jokes and laughter. All unaccepted behaviours, whether big or small actions, are curtailed by humour. When somebody does something wrong or inappropriate the community is ready to make fun of them. Their laughter communicates that an individual’s actions are unacceptable without having to act in a punitive manner. The Wana rather, break the tension with a laugh. By this means Wana can control each other and express their resentment toward somebody else with unthreatening and safe actions.


Fig. 2. The village chief Apa Rau preparing the tray for the spirits, image courtesy of Giorgio Scalici, 2016.

Day 17/19: The last lunch

After the end of the kayori there is another day dedicated to morning the dead. This final day is not considered part of the structured timeframe of the kayo.

The day after the end of the kayori, when the majority of people attending the wuri mankoni have started their journeys home, close relatives and friends of the deceased meet to share a meal and dismantle the ritual hut.

The atmosphere of this day is markedly different from the days preceding it. It is relaxed and quite. Whilst some men dismantle the hut others cut a coconut palm trunk into small pieces to boil with chicken meat. As the men work the women cook the coconut trunk and chicken. This smaller lunch is less ritualized and a much more intimate environment.

In the privacy of the small group some people start to weep, showing a calm and soft letting of grief. The detailed rituality that had preceded this moment, the preparation and eating of the communal meal, has a positive effect on the emotional state of the Wana people, Yoder describes how the meal can be both a ritual expression of bereavement and a means to soften the shift from the grieving period back into the everyday life of the village:16

The meal can also serve to soften the abruptness of the change from much defined ritual surrounding the funeral to the emptiness and loneliness that are likely to occur in the days and weeks following the funeral.

After lunch, the group visits the bumbaru (grave) for the last time, weeping and telling stories about the dead, marking an end to the grieving period.


The wuri moapu and wuri mankoni mark the central moments of the kayori. Not only do ritual night require the participation of the entire community, stressing and reinforcing the kasintuwu, but they further present a means to support the grieving family, tangibly reminding them that life continues and the community is there to help them. The communal meal is a vital expression of the community’s grief and simultaneously serves as a means to normalise the experience of death, introducing the familiarity of the everyday act of sharing a meal into the initial trauma of mourning as Yoder explains:17

The meal, as a common everyday experience, is a symbol that life will continue for the bereaved. As such, it can help the bereaved to begin the process of restructuring life without the deceased. The meal enables the bereaved to experience a new social role in a public setting. Although the bereaved has had some preliminary experience without the deceased in the events surrounding the wake, the service, and the burial or cremation, now the deceased’s body is no longer present. The bereaved is, thereby, given a new kind of opportunity to experience life without the deceased. The bereaved person has an opportunity to experiment, role-play as it were, in the context of the familiar, structured setting of a meal.

The wuri moapu and wuri mankoni also serve as a means to reaffirm and reset the social order of the Wana, stressing existing hierarchies within the community and renew relationships with the spirit world. The offering of food to the spirits symbolically recalls the Wana’s mythical past when humans and spirits ate together, further underlining the belief that the forest is now the space of the spirits and the village the space of the Wana.

During the kayori the universal act of preparing and eating a meal is harnessed as a means to express and comprehend an emotional and physical loss. It brings a community together and reinforces existing bonds. The sharing of food following a funeral is a ritual that can be found in many other cultures, such as: Ceylon, Iran, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Sweden, Poland, Hungary, Rumania, England and the United States. The meal rounds the extraordinary or traumatic experience within the everyday and demonstrates our universal need to give order to the chaos generated by death. Most importantly, for the Wana the ritual meals are a reminder that the community is always present and the principals of kasintuwu are reaffirmed.

End Notes

Go to footnote reference 1.

Lonnie Yoder, ʻThe Funeral Meal: A Significant Funeraryʼ, Journal of Religion and Health, Vol. 25, No. 2 (1986), 149-160, (149).

Go to footnote reference 2.

Wana people are facing attacks by many fronts: Indonesian religion policy, Christian missionaries, modernization and Palm oil companies.

Go to footnote reference 3.

Due to the great variety of plants and animals (the reserve is home for 12% of volatile species worldwide), on 24th November 1986 the Morowali forest was declared natural reserve by the Indonesian Ministry of Forestry. See Jabar Lahadji, ʻMorowali nature reserve and the Wana peopleʼ, in Marcus Colchester and Christian Erni ed., Indigenous Peoples and Protected Areas in South and Southeast Asia: From Principles to Practice. Amsterdam: Aksant Academic Publ. 1999, 238.

Go to footnote reference 4.

Michael Alvard, ʻThe potential for sustainable harvests by traditional Wana Hunters in Morowali nature reserve, Central Sulawesi, Indonesiaʼ, Human Organization, Vol. 59, No. 4 (2000), 428-440.

Go to footnote reference 5.

One clear example could be the term wana that means forest in Sanskrit or the word suruga used to indicate Wana heaven also deriving from Sanskrit.

Go to footnote reference 6.

Jane Monnig Atkinson, ʻReligions in dialogue: The construction of an Indonesian minority religionʼ, American Ethnologist, Vol. 10, No. 4 (1983), 684-696; ʻThe Effectiveness of Shamans in an Indonesian Ritualʼ, American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 89, No. 2 (1987), 342-355; ʻShamanisms Todayʼ, Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 21 (1992), 307-330; ʻWho appears in the family album? Writing the history of Indonesia’s revolutionary struggleʼ, in Renato Rosaldo edited, Cultural Citizenship in Island Southeast Asia: Nation and Belonging in the Hinterlands, Berkeley: University of California Press 2003, 134-161.

Go to footnote reference 7.

See Alvard.

Go to footnote reference 8.

Anna-Teresa Grumblies, ʻBeing Wana, Becoming an “Indigenous People”. Experimenting with Indigeneity in Central Sulawesiʼ in Brigitta Hauser-Schäublin edited, Adat and Indigeny in Indonesia. Culture and Entitlements between Heteronomy and Self-Ascription, Göttingen Studies in Cultural Property, Vol. 7, Göttingen: Göttingen University 2013, 81-98.

Go to footnote reference 9.

See Martine Journet and Gérard Nougarol, Gods and Satans, Paris: Le miroir 2005, 87min; The Shadow, Göttingen: Institut für Visuelle Ethnographie (IVE) 2007, 69min; Indo Pino,  Marseille: IRD audiovisuel 2011, 85min.

Go to footnote reference 10.

Maurice Bloch, Placing the Dead: Tombs, Ancestral Villages and Kinship Organization in Madagascar, London and New York: Seminar Press 1971, 241 and Jonathan Parry, Death in Banaras, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1994, 344.

Go to footnote reference 11.

Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown, Structure and function in primitive society. New York: The Free Press 1965, 68.

Go to footnote reference 12.

Pongas is Wana rice wine, meanwhile chaptikus is a common, although often illegally made, palm wine.

Go to footnote reference 13.

Bloch, 139.

Go to footnote reference 14.

From a personal conversation with Apa N’Te. March 2011.

Go to footnote reference 15.

Douglas Hollan, ‘Staying “Cool” in Toraja: Informal Strategies for the Management of Anger and Hostility in a Nonviolent Society, Ethos, Vol. 16, No. 1 (1988), 4.

Go to footnote reference 16.

Yoder, 156.

Go to footnote reference 17.

ibid, 155.


Michael Alvard. ʻThe potential for sustainable harvests by traditional Wana Hunters in Morowali nature reserve, Central Sulawesi, Indonesiaʼ, Human Organization, Vol. 59, No. 4 (2000), 428-440.

Jane Monnig Atkinson. ʻReligions in dialogue: The construction of an Indonesian minority religionʼ, American Ethnologist, Vol. 10, No. 4 (1983), 684-696.

Jane Monnig Atkinson. ʻThe Effectiveness of Shamans in an Indonesian Ritualʼ, American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 89, No. 2 (1987), 342-355.

Jane Monnig Atkinson. ʻReligion and the Wana of Sulawesiʼ, in Michael Dove edited, The real and imagined role of culture in development. Case studies from Indonesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press 1988, 41- 61.

Jane Monnig Atkinson. The art and politics of Wana shamaniship. Berkeley: University of California Press 1989.

Jane Monnig Atkinson. ʻShamanisms Todayʼ, Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 21 (1992), 307-330.

Jane Monnig Atkinson. ʻWho appears in the family album? Writing the history of Indonesia’s revolutionary struggleʼ, in Renato Rosaldo edited, Cultural Citizenship in Island Southeast Asia: Nation and Belonging in the Hinterlands. Berkeley: University of California Press 2003.

Maurice Bloch. Placing the Dead: Tombs, Ancestral Villages and Kinship Organization in Madagascar. London and New York: Seminar Press 1971.

Anna-Teresa Grumblies. ʻBeing Wana, Becoming an “Indigenous People”. Experimenting with Indigeneity in Central Sulawesiʼ; in Brigitta Hauser-Schäublin (ed.), Adat and Indigeny in Indonesia. Culture and Entitlements between Heteronomy and Self-Ascription. Göttingen Studies in Cultural Property, Vol. 7, Göttingen: Göttingen University 2013, 81-98.

Douglas Hollan, ‘Staying “Cool” in Toraja: Informal Strategies for the Management of Anger and Hostility in a Nonviolent Society, Ethos, Vol. 16, No. 1 (1988), 52-72.

Martine Journet and Gérard Nougarol, Gods and Satans, Paris: Le miroir 2005, 87min.

Martine Journet and Gérard Nougarol, The Shadow, Göttingen: Institut für Visuelle Ethnographie (IVE) 2007, 69min.

Martine Journet and Gérard Nougarol, Indo Pino, Marseille: IRD audiovisuel 2011, 85min.

Albert Kruyt, De To Wana op Oost-Celebes, 1930.

Jabar Lahadji. ʻMorowali nature reserve and the Wana peopleʼ, in Marcus Colchester and Christian Erni edited, Indigenous Peoples and Protected Areas in South and Southeast Asia: From Principles to Practice. Amsterdam: Aksant Academic Publ., 1999, 228-249.

Jonathan Parry. Death in Banaras, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1994.

Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown. Structure and function in primitive society. New York: The Free Press 1965.

Louis-Vincent Thomas. Antropologia della morte. Milano: Garzanti 1976.

Lonnie Yoder. ʻThe Funeral Meal: A Significant Funeraryʼ, Journal of Religion and Health, Vol. 25, No. 2, (1986), 149-160.

Giorgio Scalici

Giorgio Scalici is a PhD student in the Department of Theology and Religion at the University of Durham. His fields of interest include anthropology, the study of religion, ethnomusicology, mythology, funerary rites, music and trance, shamanism, and religion and comic books. Born in Palermo (Italy), he obtained his BA in Music at the University of Palermo and his MA in Ethnomusicology at the University of Rome “La Sapienza”. His current PhD continues his studies on Wana culture.